Friday, May 15, 2015

Bill C-51: to Pass or Not to Pass? C-51条例:通过还是反对?

 

In February 2015 an RCMP report surfaced that described in breathless terms the “growing, highly organized and well-financed anti-Canada petroleum movement” that consists of “peaceful activists, militants and violent extremists.” It was reported that after a third reading the anti-terrorist Bill C-51 has already been passed by the House of Commons.

When the Chretien Liberals introduced the Canadian Anti-Terrorism Act after 9-11, the government moved cautiously and invited wide public input. That resulted in relatively solid legislation that avoided mistakes the U.S. and Britain both made with their more knee-jerk responses to terrorism.

“Back in the 1960s, it was understood by all three major parties (Liberals, Progressive Conservatives and NDP) that civil society organizations were an important function of democracy,” says Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives national director Bruce Campbell.

However, in addition to traditional terrorist acts, Bill C-51 targets anything that interferes with Canada’s territorial integrity, critical infrastructure, and economic and financial stability. As well, simply promoting a “terrorist” cause is deemed criminal with no evidence of violent intent required to detain someone.

“The bill is written way too loose,” says Sierra Club director John Bennet. “There’s only one explanation, and it has to be that they intend to go after more than terrorists. They want to redefine what a terrorist is so that they can define their enemies as terrorists.”

While it was made illegal to detain someone for 24 hours without a charge in Trudeau's time, it is now. However, the government should be prudent to entrust the power to detain someone for 7 days without a charge as it is against the Canadian Bill of Rights, nor is it beneficial to the freedom of speech and healthy governance, let alone the environmental protection good for Canada.

(Note: Most of the materials were an excerpt of the article,   Making Enemies by Gregory Beatty, Prairie Dog, Page 7, March 5-18, 2015)

2015年2月皇家骑警报告浮出水面,里面有气喘吁吁描述由“和平活动家,武装分子和暴力极端分子”(包括绿色和平组织、加拿大潮汐和加拿大塞拉俱乐部)组织的“越来越大,高度有组织和资助的抗加拿大石油运动”。针对恐怖主义的C-51条例据悉已经在第三次辩论后在众议院获得通过。

当克雷蒂安等自由党人在911事件后引入了加拿大反恐怖主义法,政府小心翼翼地行动,并邀请公众广泛提出意见。这导致政府避免了美英为应付恐怖主义作出下意识反应而产生的失误,有关立法比较坚实可靠。

加拿大另类政策中心国家主管布鲁斯·坎贝尔说:“早在上世纪60年代,三个主要政党(自由党,保守党和新民主党)一张认为,民间社会组织是民主的一个重要功能。”然而,除了传统的恐怖行为,C-51条例针对任何干扰加拿大领土完整,重要基础设施,以及经济和金融稳定的行为。同时,简单地倡导“恐怖”事业也被认为是犯罪,即使没有证据证明暴力倾向,仍然可以扣留人质。

“该法案的陈述方式过于宽泛,”塞拉俱乐部主任约翰·贝内特说。 “只有一个解释,那就是他们打算打击的人不仅仅是恐怖分子。他们要重新定义恐怖主义分子是谁,以便他们能够将他们的敌人定义为恐怖分子。”

虽然在特鲁多时代不定罪就居留24小时是非法的,现在却是合法的。然而,政府在授权不定罪就居留某人长达七天时必须小心,因为它违背加拿大人权法案,也不利于言论自由与健康的政府治理,更不用说对加拿大有利的环境保护。

(注:大部分内容出自格里高利. 比蒂在《草原之狗》 2015年3月5-18日期刊第7页的文章“与你结仇”)

Friday, January 23, 2015

Should Liquor Sales Be Privatized? (酒业是否应该私有化?)



 



The provincial government is holding a liquor privatization consultation until January 30, 2015.

Public liquor sales return huge profits to Saskatchewan people — more than $252 million last year alone[i]. That’s money that can be spent on making life better for families and communities, funding schools, hospitals, long-term care homes, provincial parks, highways, and much more.
But the provincial government is putting all those benefits at risk.

Will privatization earn more profits for the SK government? The AB government attempted to increase its liquor revenues to help pay for important public services, but it had to back down to the private liquor lobby later on. $1.5 billion has been lost since privatization of the liquor stores since 1993. In SK, by just letting 4 private liquor stores open the government is already losing 7.5 million in public profits each year. If SK had copied the liquor system in AB, $65 million would have been lost last year[ii].

Will consumers be better off? 86% of wine products, 70% of beer products and 76% of spirits sold in SK public liquor stores were less expensive than private AB stores[iii].

Some people may say that privatization may increase jobs and government revenues. However, if the above data is true, government revenues may be lost due to the privatization, and jobs may not be as secure and high-paying as before.

Well, some may ask why we cannot have some liquor stores run by private businesses yet owned by the government. There are successful cases for private maangment of public enterprises. However, as liquor stores are widely scattered, they are hard to supervise. There may also be the problem of  near-sightedness in decision-making and rent-seeking.
 
Another thing we must note is that the Saskatchewan culture is one of a strong community, one caring for children and the senior people and the one emphasizing humanism. Though we may not ban liquor sales, we should not encourage them. Therefore, the writer is supporting SGEU regarding this issue.


省政府正在举行截止到2015130日酒类私有化磋商。

酒类销售给公共部门带来丰厚的利润回报,去年萨斯喀彻温省超过2.52亿美元。这是一个可以改善家庭和社区生活、资助学校、医院、老人院、省级公园、公路以及更多更好用途的资金。省政府正在危及所有这些福利。

私有化能为萨省政府赚取更多的利润?亚省政府试图为支付重要的公共服务而增加酒类收入,但它不得不向私人卖酒商的院外活动集团屈服。 亚省酒铺自1993年私营化以后损失了15亿美元。而在萨省,只是让四家私营酒铺营业,政府已经每年的利润要损失750万元。如果萨省沿用了亚省的酒类经营体系,则去年它将损失6500万元。

消费者福利会增加?在萨省公营酒铺销售的86%的葡萄酒产品,70%的啤酒产品和76%的烈酒要比在亚省私营酒铺销售的便宜。

有些人可能会说,私有化可能会增加就业机会和政府收入。但是,如果上述数据属实,政府收入可能因私有化而伤失,而就业机会可能不会像以前那样安全和高薪。

好吧,也许有人会问,为什么我们不能有由政府拥有但民营企业来运作一些酒类专卖店呢?历史上有过公有企业民营化的成功案例然而,由于酒类专卖店分布广泛,他们是很难监督的。而且这些企业因为承包经营还可能有决策上的短视和寻租的问题。
 
我们要注意的另一件事是萨斯喀彻温省文化是一个强大的社区文化,是照顾儿童和老人和一个强调以人为本的文化。虽然我们可能不禁止酒类销售,但我们不宜鼓励其销售。因此,笔者是支持SGEU关于这个问题的立场的。


[i] SGEU. Keep Liquor Public, http://www.keepliquorpublic.ca/.  
[ii] Campanella, David. A Profitable Brew, a Financial Analysis of the SLGA and its Potential Privatization.
[iii] Study by University of Saskatchewan professor Colin Boyd, 2011.